The execution of the president

 

Statement by Abdul Ilah Albayaty, Ian Douglas, Karen Parker (BRussells Tribunal Advisory Committee), Hana Albayaty, Dirk Adriaensens, Inge Van De Merlen (BRussells Tribunal Executive Committee) - 29 December 2020 -

 

The execution of President Saddam Hussein would be a grave war crime imputable under international law

The US-orchestrated tribunal that sentenced President Saddam Hussein has no legal standing

 The imminent execution of Iraq’s lawful president is testimony to the gutting of international law by the Bush regime and its criminal partners


Read also: Declaration on the legal necessity to halt the proceedings against POW President Saddam Hussein,The BRussells Tribunal, 29 June 2020 - and other articles

Read also:  What this murder demands: Statement by Abdul Ilah Albayaty, Ian Douglas, Hana Albayaty, Karen Parker, Dirk Adriaensens, Inge Van De Merlen, Felicity Arbuthnot (6 January 2021) -  Ce que ce meurtre exige de nous  -  ماذا يتطلب منا ازاء هذه الجريمة؟

[Other statements


 

President Saddam Hussein is a prisoner of war with protected status under international law.[i] Further, he is the lawful president of the Republic of Iraq. He cannot be executed legally by the US occupation. 

Under the Interim Constitution of Iraq of 1990 — which remains in force despite the illegal imposition of a permanent Iraqi constitution written by the United States — President Saddam Hussein, like heads of state worldwide, including in the US and Europe, is afforded sovereign immunity to prosecution.[ii] 

That the US invaded Iraq illegally and established an illegal political process and a quisling Iraqi government only exacerbates the violation of President Saddam Hussein’s personal and sovereign rights and the affront to the whole of Iraq. His imminent execution is an attempt to establish, de facto, a global state of exception to law. Force cannot make just what law denies. 

The US-led invasion of the Republic of Iraq was illegal and cannot be made legal by the execution of Iraq’s lawful president. The occupation is illegal and cannot survive by authoring new atrocities. 

This mockery of law 

The Iraqi Higher Criminal Court that passed a death sentence on President Saddam Hussein is a farce. Not only is it grounded on illegality (occupying powers under international law are expressly prohibited from changing the judicial structures of occupied states[iii]); the trial itself stands distinguished in legal history by its sheer number of due process and international standard of fairness violations.[iv]

These violations have included, often with systematic effect: American imposed censorship of court proceedings; withholding evidence from the defence; forcible ejection from court of defence lawyers and the placing of defence lawyers under house arrest; denial of defence counsel access to defendants; blatant lack of impartiality of court judges; overt political interference in the selection of court officials and the prejudicing of the trial and trial outcome by statements made by invested political figures — including George W Bush — affirming progress towards, or demanding, execution; the replacement of four of the five originally selected court judges; lack of equality of arms between the prosecution and the defence; refusals to accept key defence submissions, especially motions challenging the competence and legality of the court; violations of key fair trial principles and standards and international humanitarian law[v]; violation of Iraqi law[vi]; intimidation of witnesses; failure to ensure the security of the defence leading to the murder of three defence lawyers. 

Created by Paul Bremer, the Iraqi Higher Criminal Court was never anything but a US-orchestrated puppet court.[vii] The imposition of a death sentence after an unfair trial stands in direct violation of international law.[viii] 

The truth about this court 

From day one, this court has been nothing but a smokescreen: an attempt to establish a veneer of legality to an illegal invasion of a sovereign state. From day one, the final conclusion — the illegal execution of Iraq’s lawful president — has been a fait accompli. The only question has been when. 

As 2006 ends, the United States is desperate. Defeated militarily on the ground, long defeated politically and morally, the occupation is preparing to open the year 2007 with a barrage of atrocities, including the open murder of Iraq’s lawful president. This, like all other US-authored atrocities in Iraq, will not allow the US and its criminal partners to impose on Iraq a future that is contrary to the fundamental interests of the Iraqi people.  

The imminent execution of President Saddam Hussein is a challenge to the world. Its occurrence would mark a watershed in the imposition by force of a global state of exception to law and to international standards of justice and due process.  

States are obliged to protect international law and oppose acts that undermine it.[ix] International law is the arbiter and final guarantor of world peace. When states cannot or fail to act to protect it, or when they act resolutely to destroy it, it is the duty of citizens everywhere to oppose global tyranny by direct action. 

Urgent action demands 

We demand that legal institutions worldwide, governmental and non-governmental, act now to prevent the illegal execution of President Saddam Hussein.  

We demand that all states and the United Nations speak up immediately and oppose and prevent the illegal execution of President Saddam Hussein. 

We demand an immediate meeting of the UN Security Council in which must be affirmed the legal basis governing international relations and in particular the fundamental jus cogens norms of international humanitarian law. 

We call upon the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention to defend its November 2006 conclusion that the detention of President Saddam Hussein is illegal and act to prevent his illegal execution. 

We invoke the mandate afforded to the UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Execution to intervene to prevent the illegal execution of President Saddam Hussein. 

We call upon the Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers to defend his March 2006 conclusion that the Iraqi Higher Criminal Court is questionable, has limited competence and has given rise to serious breaches of international human rights principles and standards. We call upon the rapporteur to intervene to prevent the illegal execution of President Saddam Hussein — a further insult to justice.  

We demand that the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights personally intervene to prevent this grave war crime from occurring. No one in authority can claim ignorance as to its imminence. 

We affirm that international law is the bequest of generations and an expression of the development of human civilization and that people worldwide, individually and in groups, have a stake in protecting it, and the world peace that depends on it. 

We call upon citizens and individuals everywhere to stand up in defence of international law and Iraqi sovereignty and act to prevent the execution of Iraq’s legal president. 

The execution of Saddam Hussein would not only be a war crime against one individual and state. It would lend an illusion of legality to illegal acts — both the execution of a lawful president and the invasion and destruction of Iraq. It would be nothing less than a declaration of the death of international law, slain by this criminal Bush administration and its collaborators. 

If the execution of President Saddam Hussein will not lead to an international or global war, it sows the seeds, in its overt illegality, and in conjunction with Washington’s exclusion of international law from international relations, for precisely this outcome. 

Abdul Ilah Albayaty (BRussells Tribunal Advisory Committee)

Ian Douglas (BRussells Tribunal Advisory Committee)

Karen Parker (BRussells Tribunal Advisory Committee)

Hana Albayaty (BRussells Tribunal Executive Committee)

Dirk Adriaensens (BRussells Tribunal Executive Committee)

Inge Van De Merlen (BRussells Tribunal Executive Committee)

 

[i] In January 2004 the US government officially recognized President Saddam Hussein’s prisoner of war status. See Article 3 The Hague IV Regulations, 1907: “The armed forces of the belligerent parties may consist of combatants and non-combatants. In the case of capture by the enemy, both have a right to be treated as prisoners of war.” The Third Geneva Convention Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, 1949, provides for the human rights to security of person, privacy, respect, humane treatment, and fair trial. Under international law, no special arrangements can be constituted that adversely affect the rights of persons. See Article 7 of The Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in the Time of War, 1949.

[ii] See Article 40 of the Interim Constitution of Iraq (1990).

[iii] See Articles 43 and 55 of The Hague IV Regulations on Laws and Customs of War on Land, 1907; Articles 54 and 64 of The Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in the Time of War, 1949.

[iv] For a full account of the illegality of the Iraqi Higher Criminal Court and the violations of international fair trial principles and standards witnessed during its proceedings see Iraqi Special Tribunal: A Corruption of Justice by Ramsey Clark and Curtis Doebbler (13 September 2020).

[v] Articles 70 and 65 of The Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in the Time of War, 1949; Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights requires that courts be established under preexisting law.

[vi] The Iraqi Higher Criminal Court is inconsistent with Iraqi law because it violates basic principles of international human rights law that are binding on Iraqi authorities according to Article 44 of the Interim Constitution of Iraq of 1990. Further, the court was formed in violation of processes set forth in Section IV, Articles 60 and 61 of the Interim Constitution and the Iraqi Law on Judicial Organization, the latter illegally annulled by Coalition Provisional Authority Order No 15 of 23 June 2003.

[vii] That the occupying power, through the Coalition Provisional Authority, created the Iraqi Higher Criminal Court (formerly the Iraqi Special Tribunal) is established by the fact that Order No 48, containing the statute of the court, had to be signed by Coalition Provisional Authority Administrator L Paul Bremer before it could enter into force.

[viii] See Article 6, paragraph 2, of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights that prohibits imposition of the death penalty when it does not apply “in accordance with the law in force at the time of the commission of the crime.” The retroactive application of the death penalty violates the Iraqi Penal Code, which states in Article 1: “no act or omission shall be penalized except in accordance with a legislative provision under which the said act or omission is regarded as a criminal offense at the time of its occurrence.” This arbitrary application of the death penalty is also a violation of the right to life in Article 6 of the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights. See also Articles 2, 4 and 5 of the UN Safeguards Guaranteeing Protection of the Rights of Those Facing the Death Penalty.

[ix] Article 42(2) of the United Nations International Law Commission’s Draft Articles on State Responsibility, representing the rule of customary international law, prevents states from benefiting from their own illegal acts: “No State shall recognize as lawful a situation created by a serious breach …” (emphasis added); Section III(e), UN General Assembly Resolution 36/103 of 14 December 1962, “Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention and Interference in the Internal Affairs of States”.


Statement by Abdul Ilah Albayaty, Ian Douglas, Karen Parker, Felicity Arbuthnot (BRussells Tribunal Advisory Committee), Hana Albayaty, Dirk Adriaensens, Inge Van De Merlen (BRussells Tribunal Executive Committee), 6 January 2021 

What this murder demands 

The illegal summary execution of President Saddam Hussein has revealed definitively the character of Iraq’s occupation-imposed government 

International legal and human rights institutions along with world governments must withdraw recognition from Iraq’s criminal government and conduct a full investigation on the execution of President Saddam Hussein 

The Iraqi national popular resistance should be recognised as the sole legitimate and legal protector of the Iraqi people and the continuity of the state of Iraq

The cowardly brutality of the summary execution of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein has shocked the world. The vengeful and sectarian nature of Iraq’s occupation-imposed puppet government has been proven beyond doubt. No executioner’s hood can conceal its disgrace. George W Bush’s “new Iraq” stands exposed for all to see. The era that has ended is not that of Arab nationalism; it is the era in which the hypocrisy and impunity of US imperialism can be cloaked in lies. 

Maliki and militias suicide 

The Iraqi Higher Criminal Court that sentenced President Saddam Hussein to death is unequivocally illegal under international and Iraqi law.[i] Created by US Proconsul L Paul Bremer, it was never anything but a US-orchestrated puppet court.[ii] A key aim was to establish a veneer of legality to an illegal invasion of a sovereign state. The catalogue of due process violations that characterised its proceedings stands testament to the impunity with which the pre-written trial outcome was imposed.[iii] The imposition of a death sentence after an unfair trial is a grave violation of international law and an affront to universal human values.[iv] US claims about protesting this execution are pure propaganda. 

President Saddam Hussein was a prisoner of war with protected status under international law.[v] He remained the lawful president of Iraq having never capitulated to foreign invading armies and given the illegality of the 2003 US-led invasion. His execution constitutes a war crime under international humanitarian law.[vi] It was illegal under Iraqi law and an affront — in coinciding with the festival of Eid Al-Adha, a time of reconciliation and generosity — to Islamic tradition and culture.[vii] 

It was not Saddam Hussein’s death warrant that Nouri Al-Maliki signed so publicly but his own political and moral downfall along with that of the militias and gangs he is leading. The haste and the glee with which Maliki rushed through the execution exposes clearly the sole division that exists in Iraq, between the occupation and its local lackeys and the Iraqi population and its resistance to America’s murderous agenda. This execution finds its place within an American strategy that at the least seeks to humiliate Iraq and at worst aims to foment mass civil strife if not a wider regional conflict. 

The criminal Maliki government cannot now be recognised by any government, institution, association or citizen as either a protector of Iraq and its people, or of legality and Iraqi custom.

Only the Iraqi national popular resistance is the guarantor and protector of Iraqi sovereignty and the continuity of the Iraqi state. The national popular resistance is the only legal authority that can represent the Iraqi people and determine a path towards peace and stability in Iraq.[viii] 

Law should defend justice, not imperialism 

Defeated on the ground militarily, politically and morally, the US-led occupation can only attempt to cow the Iraqi people with atrocities. It is a hopeless policy. Nothing will allow the United States and its criminal partners to impose on Iraq a future that is contrary to the fundamental interests and rights of the Iraqi people.  

International institutions of law and human rights practice, by their silence or timidity, have not only failed the people of Iraq but also the people of the world. International law is the arbiter and guarantor of world peace. Mandated authorities are tasked to oversee the actions of states and governments and intervene as necessary to protect not only inalienable individual and collective rights but the standing of law as the moral foundation upon which world peace is secured. 

No recognition to blood-soaked criminals 

We demand that governments across the world withdraw recognition and any legitimacy afforded to the current criminal Iraqi government and recognise the Iraqi resistance as the sole representative of the Iraqi people and the continuity of the Iraqi state, its sovereignty and integrity. 

We demand that the UN General Assembly and international and national judicial bodies, syndicates and associations act to redress the failure of international institutions and individuals and use available discretionary powers or courts with universal jurisdiction over serious war crimes to bring to justice all those responsible for and connected to the illegal summary execution of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein.[ix] 

We call upon all political groups and human rights organisations, along with progressive and humanist intellectuals, to unite to defend peace, international law and justice by defending the Iraqi people and its legitimate representative, the Iraqi resistance. 

2007 must be the year in which the illegal and murderous occupation of Iraq is brought to an end.  

2007 must be the year in which law defends justice, not imperialism, and in which the moral foundations upon which world peace depends are renewed by unseating and prosecuting the war criminals of Washington and London and their Green Zone puppets in Baghdad. 

Abdul Ilah Albayaty (BRussells Tribunal Advisory Committee)

Ian Douglas (BRussells Tribunal Advisory Committee)

Hana Albayaty (BRussells Tribunal Executive Committee)

Karen Parker (BRussells Tribunal Advisory Committee)

Dirk Adriaensens (BRussells Tribunal Executive Committee)

Inge Van De Merlen (BRussells Tribunal Executive Committee)

 

[i] Under international humanitarian law, occupying powers under are expressly prohibited from changing the judicial structures of occupied states. See Articles 43 and 55 of The Hague IV Regulations on Laws and Customs of War on Land, 1907; Articles 54 and 64 of The Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in the Time of War, 1949. See also Articles 70 and 65 of The Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in the Time of War, 1949; Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights requires that courts be established under pre-existing law.

The Iraqi Higher Criminal Court is inconsistent with Iraqi law in that it violates basic principles of international human rights law that are binding on Iraqi authorities according to Article 44 of the Interim Constitution of Iraq of 1990, which remains in force given that the 2005 Permanent Iraqi Constitution is illegal in having been imposed under conditions of occupation and in violation of the laws of war (See Articles 43 and 55 of The Hague IV Regulations on Laws and Customs of War on Land, 1907; Articles 54 and 64 of The Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in the Time of War, 1949). Further, the court was formed in violation of processes set forth in Section IV, Articles 60 and 61 of the Interim Constitution and the Iraqi Law on Judicial Organisation, the latter illegally annulled by Coalition Provisional Authority Order No 15 of 23 June 2003.

[ii] That the occupying power, through the Coalition Provisional Authority, created the Iraqi Higher Criminal Court is established by the fact that Order No 48, containing the statute of the court, had to be signed by Coalition Provisional Authority Civil Administrator L Paul Bremer before it could enter into force. That the Iraqi Higher Criminal Court remained a puppet of the occupation was proven on countless occasions, as Ramsey Clark and Curtis Doebbler document (see Iraqi Special Tribunal: A Corruption of Justice), and is inherent in the fact that Iraq remains an occupied state — a condition always and deliberately determined by de facto circumstances, not de jure by law or declaration.

[iii] See Iraqi Special Tribunal: A Corruption of Justice by Ramsey Clark and Curtis Doebbler (13 September 2020).

[iv] Article 6, paragraph 2, of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibits the imposition of the death penalty when it does not apply “in accordance with the law in force at the time of the commission of the crime.” The retroactive application of the death penalty violates the Iraqi Penal Code, which states in Article 1: “no act or omission shall be penalised except in accordance with a legislative provision under which the said act or omission is regarded as a criminal offence at the time of its occurrence.” This arbitrary application of the death penalty is also a violation of the right to life in Article 6 of the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights. See also Provisions 2, 4 and 5 of the UN Safeguards Guaranteeing Protection of the Rights of Those Facing the Death Penalty.

[v] Article 3 The Hague IV Regulations, 1907, states: “The armed forces of the belligerent parties may consist of combatants and non-combatants. In the case of capture by the enemy, both have a right to be treated as prisoners of war.”

[vi] Strict conditions apply to the prosecution of prisoners of war (POW) by belligerent states. As a POW, and had the 2003 US-led invasion been legal, President Saddam Hussein could be tried only by a US courts martial and only for war crimes committed under his command after the invasion began 20 March 2003. Given the illegality of the 2003 US-led invasion, President Saddam Hussein’s detention by US forces was illegal under international law, constituting itself a crime of aggression against the nation and state of Iraq. The illegal trial to which President Saddam Hussein was subject violated international humanitarian law relative to the treatment of POWs (see The Third Geneva Convention of 1949) and as such constitutes a war crime as defined by the Principles of the Nuremberg Tribunal, 1950. President Saddam Hussein’s execution constitutes a further and imputable grave war crime and violation of US and Iraqi government obligations to international human rights instruments and of jus cogens principles of international law.

[vii] Paragraph 290 of the Iraqi Law on Criminal Proceedings of 1971 states that: “The death penalty cannot be carried out on official holidays and special festivals connected with the religion of the condemned person.

[viii] See Only Resistance Is Legal by Abdul Ilah Albayaty, Ian Douglas and Hana Albayaty (5 October 2020).

[ix] While the International Criminal Court cannot be invoked given that neither the United States nor Iraq are State Parties to the Rome Statute, the principle of extra-territorial jurisdiction is increasingly taking hold internationally, particularly in Europe, with recent cases being filed in Germany, Spain and Belgium. France, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands all have some provision within national law for universal jurisdiction. High war crimes, including the illegal execution of President Saddam Hussein, like genocide and crimes against humanity, are usually covered by extra-territorial jurisdiction where it exists.

Regarding the UN General Assembly, one route towards redress could be to invoke UNGA Resolution 377, “Uniting for Peace,” of 1950. UNGA Resolution 377 empowers the UNGA to act in such ways as are necessary to preserve international peace where the UN Security Council fails or declines to act. As said in the statement The Execution of the President issued 29 December 2006: “If the execution of President Saddam Hussein will not lead to an international or global war, it sows the seeds, in its overt illegality, and in conjunction with Washington’s exclusion of international law from international relations, for precisely this outcome.”


Déclaration de Abdul Ilah Albayaty, Ian Douglas, Karen Parker, Hana Albayaty, Dirk Adriaensens, Felicity Arbuthnot, Inge Van De Merlen (6 janvier 2007) 

Ce que ce meurtre exige de nous 

L'exécution sommaire illégale du président Saddam Hussein a clairement mis en lumière la nature du gouvernement irakien imposé par l'occupation 

Les institutions légales et de droits de la personne au niveau international, de même que les gouvernements du monde doivent cesser de reconnaître le gouvernement irakien criminel et conduire une enquête complète sur l'exécution du président Saddam Hussein 

La résistance nationale populaire irakienne doit être reconnue comme seule légitime et protectrice légale du peuple irakien et de la continuité de l'État irakien 

La lâche brutalité avec laquelle le président irakien Saddam Hussein a été exécuté a choqué le monde. Le caractère sectaire et vengeur du gouvernement fantoche imposé par l'occupation en Irak a été prouvé sans nul doute. Les cagoules des bourreaux ne peuvent pas dissimuler cette disgrâce. Le "nouvel Irak" de George W. Bush est maintenant exposé aux regards de tous. Ce n'est pas l’ère du nationalisme arabe qui a pris fin; c'est plutôt l’ère où l'hypocrisie et l'impunité de l'impérialisme étasunien peuvent être masqué par les mensonges. 

Le suicide de Maliki et des milices 

Le Haut Tribunal pénal irakien qui a imposé la peine de mort au président Saddam Hussein est incontestablement illégal en vertu du droit international et de la loi irakienne. Crée par le proconsul étasunien L. Paul Bremer, il n'a jamais été qu'un tribunal fantoche orchestré par les États-Unis. Il visait à donner un vernis de légalité à l'invasion illégale d'un État souverain. Les nombreuses violations de procédures qui ont caractérisé le procès témoignent de l'impunité avec laquelle l'issue pré-écrite du procès a été imposée. L'imposition de la peine de mort suite à un procès inéquitable constitue une grave violation du droit international et un affront aux valeurs humaines universelles. Les déclarations étasuniennes prétendant protester contre cette exécution sont de la pure propagande. 

Le président Saddam Hussein était un prisonnier de guerre dont le statut est protégé en vertu du droit international. Il demeurait le président légal de l'Irak, n'ayant jamais capitulé face aux armées d'invasion étrangères et étant donné l'illégalité de l'invasion menée par les États-Unis en 2003. Son exécution constitue un crime de guerre en vertu du droit international humanitaire. Il s'agit d'un acte illégal en vertu de la loi irakienne et d'un affront - coïncidant avec la fête de l'Eid Al-Adha, un moment de réconciliation et de générosité - pour la culture et la tradition islamiques. 

Ce n'est pas l'arrêt de mort de Saddam Hussein que Nouri Al-Maliki a signé de manière si publique, mais sa propre mort morale et politique ainsi que celle des milices et des gangs qu'il dirige. En menant l’exécution avec une telle précipitation et jubilation, Maliki a clairement démontré qu’il n’existe qu’une seule division en Irak : celle entre l'occupation et ses serviteurs locaux d’une part, et la population irakienne et sa résistance à l'agenda meurtrier des États-Unis de l’autre. Cette exécution se situe dans le contexte d'une stratégie étasunienne cherchant au minimum à humilier l'Irak et au pire à fomenter un conflit civil massif si ce n'est un conflit régional plus large. 

Le gouvernement criminel de Maliki ne peut maintenant être considéré par quelque gouvernement, institution, association ou citoyen ni comme protecteur de l'Irak et de son peuple, ni de la légalité et de la tradition irakienne. 

Seule la résistance nationale populaire irakienne cautionne et protège la souveraineté de l'Irak et la continuité de l'État irakien. La résistance nationale populaire est la seule autorité qui peut représenter le peuple irakien et déterminer une voie vers la paix et la stabilité en Irak. 

Le droit doit défendre la justice et non l'impérialisme 

Défaite sur le terrain militairement, politiquement et moralement, l'occupation menée par les États-Unis ne peut que tenter d'intimider le peuple irakien avec des atrocités. Il s'agit d'une politique désespérée. Rien ne permettra aux États-Unis et à ses partenaires criminels d'imposer à l'Irak un avenir contraire aux intérêts et aux droits fondamentaux du peuple irakien. 

Les institutions internationales légales et de défense des droits de la personne, par leur silence ou leur timidité, n’ont pas seulement manqué à leurs obligations envers le peuple irakien, mais également envers les peuples du monde. Le droit international est l'arbitre et le garant de la paix mondiale. Les autorités mandatées doivent surveiller les actions des États et des gouvernements et intervenir lorsque nécessaire pour protéger non seulement les droits individuels et collectifs inaliénables, mais aussi le droit en tant que fondement moral garant de la paix mondiale. 

Les criminels sanguinaires ne doivent pas être reconnus 

Nous demandons aux gouvernements à travers le monde de retirer leur reconnaissance et toute légitimité accordée à l'actuel gouvernement criminel irakien et de reconnaître la résistance irakienne comme la seule représentante du peuple irakien et de la continuité de l'État irakien, de sa souveraineté et de son intégrité. 

Nous demandons à l'Assemblée générale des Nations Unies et aux organes judiciaires nationaux et internationaux, aux syndicats et aux associations d’agir pour redresser l'échec des institutions internationales et des individus et d’utiliser les pouvoirs discrétionnaires disponibles ou les tribunaux ayant une juridiction universelle sur les crimes de guerre sérieux, afin de poursuivre en justice toutes les personnes responsables et liées à l'exécution sommaire illégale du président irakien Saddam Hussein. 

Nous demandons à tous les groupes politiques et organisations de droits de la personne, ainsi qu'aux intellectuels humanistes et progressistes, de s'unir pour défendre la paix, le droit international et la justice en défendant le peuple irakien et son représentant légitime, la résistance irakienne. 

2007 doit voir la fin de l'occupation meurtrière et illégale de l'Irak.

2007 doit voir le droit redevenir le défenseur de la justice et non de l'impérialisme, et le renouvellement des fondations morales dont la paix mondiale dépend, en destituant et poursuivant les criminels de guerre de Washington, de Londres et de leurs pantins de la Zone verte à Bagdad. 

Abdul Ilah Albayaty (BRussells Tribunal Advisory Committee)

Ian Douglas (BRussells Tribunal Advisory Committee)

Karen Parker (BRussells Tribunal Advisory Committee)

Hana Albayaty (BRussells Tribunal Executive Committee)

Dirk Adriaensens (BRussells Tribunal Executive Committee)

Felicity Arbuthnot (BRussells Tribunal Advisory Committee)

Inge Van De Merlen (BRussells Tribunal Executive Committee)


بيان

عبد الإله البياتي، إيان دوغلاس، هناء البياتي، ديريك أدريانسينس، انجي فان دو ميرلن ، كارين باركير ،فيليستي اربثنوت

(٥ كانون الثاني ٢٠٠٧)

  

ماذا يتطلب منا ازاء هذه الجريمة؟

  

إن الإعدام الكيفي غير المشروع للرئيس صدام حسين قد فضح وبجلاء طبيعة الحكومة العراقية التي فرضها الاحتلال.

 

يتوجب على المؤسسات القانونية ومؤسسات حقوق الإنسان وحكومات العالم مجتمعة سحب إعترافها بحكومة العراق الإجرامية وإجراء تحقيق شامل بجريمة إعدام الرئيس صدام حسين.

 

يتوجب الاعتراف بالمقاومة الوطنية والشعبية العراقية كالممثل الشرعي والقانوني الوحيد للشعب العراقي  ولاستمرارية دولة العراق.

لا يخفى على أحد أن الوحشية الجبانة في الاعدام الكيفي للرئيس العراقي صدام حسين قد صدم العالم. فقد اثبت وبشكل لا ترتقي إليه الشكوك الطبيعة الحقودة والطائفية للحكومة العراقية الدمية المفروضة من قبل الاحتلال.

لا تستطيع اقنعة الجلادين اخفاء خزي وعار الولايات المتحدة فالعراق الجديد الذي يدعو له جورج دبليو بوش قد فضح أمام انظارالجميع. إن العهد الذي انتهى لم يكن انتهاء القومية العربية، انما هو انتهاء العهد  الدي يمكن فيه اخفاء نفاق وتحصين امبريالية الولايات المتحدة بقناع من الاكاذيب.

 

انتحار المالكي والميليشيات

ان المحكمة الجنائية العراقية العليا التي حكمت على الرئيس العراقي صدام حسين كانت بشكل قاطع محكمة غير قانونية طبقا للقانون الدولي والعراقي فقدشكلت بإشراف المبعوث ل. بول بريمر ولم تكن إلا محكمة دمى تحرك من قبل الولايات المتحدة، هدفت بالأساس إلى تشكيل واجهة قانونية للاجتياح الباطل لدولة مستقلة ويقف ملف الانتهاكات الخطيرة لاصول المحاكمات العادلة كدليل صارخ ان الحصانة الوحيدة في المحكمة هي حصانة الحكم المكتوب والمقرر سابقا

 

ان فرض حكم إعدام بعد محاكمة غير عادلة هو انتهاك خطير للقانون الدولي وإهانة للقيم الإنسانية العالمية. و تظاهر الولايات المتحدة بالاحتجاج على هذا الإعدام لهو مجرد دعاية .

 

كان الرئيس صدام حسين أسير حرب بمكانة مصانة طبقا للقانون الدولي. ويبقى هو الرئيس العراقي المعترف به قانونيا اذ لم يستسلم العراق لجيوش الاحتلال الأجنبية آخذين بعين الاعتبار عدم قانونية الاحتلال ذاته الذي قادته الولايات المتحدة عام ٢٠٠٣. إن إعدامه يشكل جريمة حرب في ظل القانون الدولي الإنساني. كما كان التنفيذ مخالفا للقانون العراقي وهو إهانة للتقاليد والثقافة الإسلامية حيث تزامن مع مناسبة عيد الأضحى المبارك، مناسبة التسامح والكرم.

 

 لم يكن إعدام صدام حسبن هو ما وقعه  نوري المالكي علانية وإنما هو قد وقع سقوطه هو والمليشيات والعصابات التي يقودهاسياسيا واخلاقيا. أن التسرع والاستمتاع الذي جرى وراءه المالكي لتعجيل الإعدام يظهر الانقسام  االوحيد الدي  يسود العراق، الانقسام الواضح بين قوى الاحتلال و ادواته المحلية من جهة والشعب العراقي ومقاومته لاجندة القتل الأمريكيةمن جهة اخرى. فقد جرى هذا الإعدام ضمن الخطة الأميركية التي تسعى على الاقل لإذلال العراق وعلى الاكثر الدفع إلى الاقتتال الداخلي على نطاق واسع إن لم يكن الى خلق صراع يشمل المنطقة بأسرها.

 

لا يمكن الاعتراف بحكومة المالكي المجرمة من قبل اي حكومة أو دستور أو منظمة أو مواطن سواء كحامية للعراق وشعبها أو كحكومة شرعية أو مطبقة للتقاليد العراقية.

ان المقاومة الشعبية العراقية فقط هي الحامي والضمان الوحيد  لسيادة العراق واستمرارية الدولة العراقية. فالمقاومة الشعبية الوطنية هي السلطة الشرعية الوحيدة التي يحق لها تمثيل الشعب العراقي وتقرير مساره باتجاه السلام والاستقرار في العراق.

 

يجب على القانون الدفاع عن العدالة وليس الإمبريالية

هزم على الأرض عسكريا، سياسيا وأخلاقيا، لم يتبق للاحتلال الذي قادته الولايات المتحدة إلا محاولة إخضاع الشعب العراقي بممارساته البشعة وسياسته اليائسة ولم يعد يوجد الآن ما يسمح للولايات المتحدة وشركائها المجرمين ان تفرض على العراق أي مستقبل مناف لمصالح وحقوق الشعب العراقي الاساسية.

 

لم تخذل المؤسسات الحقوقية الدولية ونشطاء حقوق الإنسان بصمتها وخجلها الشعب العراقي فقط وإنما خذلت شعوب العالم أجمع. فالقانون الدولي هوالحاكم والحامي الوحيد للسلام العالمي. وهي مكلفة بالإشراف على الإجراءات التي تتخذها الدول والحكومات، والتدخل عند الحاجة ليس فقط لحماية الحقوق الفردية والجماعية وإنما لحماية القانون الأخلاقي والأساسي الذي يضمن تحقيق السلام

 

لا إقرار لجرائم مصاصي الدماء

نطالب حكومات العالم سحب اعترافها بأي شرعيه أعطيت للحكومة العراقية الحالية المجرمة والاعتراف بالمقاومة العراقية بوصفها الممثل الوحيد للشعب العراقي واستمرارية الدولة العراقية ولسيادته ونزاهته.

نطالب الجمعية العامة للأمم المتحدة والمنظمات الدولية والهيئات القضائية الوطنية والنقابات والجمعيات العاملة على تصحيح فشل المؤسسات والأفراد واستخدام جميع  سلطات المحاكم المخولة  ذات الاختصاص العالمي في جرائم الحرب الخطيرة لمحاكمة جميع المسؤولين أو الذين ساهموا بإعدام الرئيس العراقي صدام حسين.

كما ندعو جميع المجموعات السياسية ومنظمات حقوق الإنسان مع جميع المثقفين التقدميين و الإنسانيين الاتحاد للدفاع عن السلام والقانون الدولي والعدالة من خلال الدفاع عن الشعب العراقي وممثله الشرعي ألا وهي المقاومة العراقية.

يجب أن يكون العام ۲۰۰۷ العام الذي يوضع فيه الحد للاحتلال السفاك للدماء والغير شرعي للعراق.

ليكن عام ۲۰۰۷ العام الذي يدافع فيه القانون عن العدالة لا عن الإمبريالية. ولتتجدد فيه الأسس الأخلاقية التي يعتمد عليها السلام العالمي  وذلك بالإطاحة ب ومحاكمة مجرمي الحرب في واشنطن ولندن ودمى المنطقة الخضراء في بغداد.

عبدالاله البياتي- اللجنة الاستشارية-محكمة بروكسل

دوغلاس –اللجنة الاستشارية-محكمة بروكسل ايان

هناء البياتي- اللجنة اللتنفيذية- محكمة بروكسل

دريك أدريانسينس- اللجنة اللتنفيذية- محكمة بروكسل

انجي فان دو ميرلن- اللجنة اللتنفيذية- محكمة بروكسل


 PRESS STATEMENT

 BY TUN DR. MAHATHIR MOHAMAD 

The Barbaric Lynching of President Saddam Hussein 

On the Holy day of Eid, the world watched in horror at the barbaric lynching of President Saddam Hussein of Iraq, allegedly for crimes against humanity. This public murder was sanctioned by the War Criminals, President Bush and Prime Minister Blair. 

This sadistic act broadcasted to the whole world is a travesty of justice, and was meant to demonstrate the imperial power of the United States and serves as a warning to peace loving peoples that we must either bow to the dictates of the Bush regime or face the consequences of a public lynching. 

The lynching was also an insult to all Muslims, as it occurred on the Holy Day of Eid, whereby Muslims devote themselves to prayer and forgiveness. It is all too clear that the war criminal Bush has no sensitivities whatsoever for Muslims on their pilgrimage to Mecca. This barbaric act is a sacrilege!   

The entire trial process was a mockery of justice, no less a Kangaroo Court. Defence counsels were brutally murdered, witnesses threatened and judges removed for being impartial and replaced by puppet judges. Yet, we are told that Iraq was invaded to promote democracy, freedom and justice. 

A peaceful country has now been turned into a war zone. Over 500,000 children died as a result of the criminal economic sanctions, and the latest findings by the medical journal, Lancet reveals that over 650,000 Iraqis have died since the illegal invasion of 2003. 

The War Criminal Bush has killed more Iraqis than President Saddam ever did, if in fact he was guilty of any crime. If President Saddam Hussein is guilty of war crimes, then the world must find Bush, Blair and Howard equally guilty and the International Criminal Court cannot but prosecute these war criminals. The inaction thus far by the International Criminal Court against Bush, Blair and Howard exposes the double standard of the said Court, when it does not hesitate to prosecute war crimes committed in Darfur, Rwanda and Kosovo. 

If we support human rights and justice, we must condemn this barbaric lynching of President Saddam Hussein. There can be no excuse whatsoever for this injustice under any circumstances. War Criminal Bush and the puppet regime in Iraq have made a mockery of the Rule of Law.

Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad

Member of the International Committee

For the Defence of President Saddam Hussein

3oth December 2006